Bloomsday Notes
And you who wrest old images from the burial earth! The brainsick words of sophists: Antisthenes. A lore of drugs. Orient and immortal wheat standing from everlasting to everlasting.
–Ulysses, “Wandering Rocks”
My father was once playing with his pet cat, and he made an observation that crossed Montaigne with Hobbes: “If I were smaller than this cat,” he said, “She’d kill me and eat me.” I have come to the same conclusion about all human groups, classes, nations, and races. That is, my decade spent on the political left has convinced me that all revolutions would return us to the starting point: with privileged and disprivileged classes and groups.
The inevitability of human hierarchy would be tolerable if the wielders of power were frank. For this reason, I’ve always found the political right refreshing: “We want power and we should have it and we’re going to use it to benefit ourselves,” they say, only claiming that others should support them because they’ll be benefited by accident (since this is largely false, I am not a political rightist either). But the left pursues power in the guise of humanitarianism and utopic universalism. Intellectual and activist identity politics is a game of discursive revenge: because the straight white man set himself up as the neutral universal, the unmarked category, he must be ruthlessly marked at all points within the discourse of identity politics. Hence the “circular firing squad” character of leftist infighting, where everyone fights to be more marked, more disprivileged.
(I say “he,” but in practice, the straight white woman is actually the most reviled figure in identity politics, because she gets to leverage her ambiguous post-feminist social position as both advantage and disadvantage, able to be seen as both a strong G. I. Jane and a vulnerable campus rape victim. Post-1960s, with the white man indelibly marked as “oppressor,” middle-class white womanhood is the most flexible, subtle, supple identity in modern western society, the new universal. All that female novel-reading and novel-writing, 300 hundred years worth, was training for this. Consequently, there are whole activist communities on right and left–the men’s rights movement, the radical women of color or “womanists”–whose entire purpose seems to be tearing down white womanhood.)
All this marking of identities is supposed to produce the ultimate left-wing goal: the most oppressed and exploited among us will recognize the degree of their disenfranchisement and liberate us all by destroying the hierarchy from the bottom up, thus freeing everyone above them as well as themselves. Here are Marx and Engels in 1848, electing the proletariat to the role:
Of all the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie today, the proletariat alone is a really revolutionary class. The other classes decay and finally disappear in the face of Modern Industry; the proletariat is its special and essential product.
That, of course, did not work out, so other identities were proposed as the universal liberator. Here, in 1978, is the Combahee River Collective, nominating the black woman for the job:
We might use our position at the bottom, however, to make a clear leap into revolutionary action. If Black women were free, it would mean that everyone else would have to be free since our freedom would necessitate the destruction of all the systems of oppression.
Somehow I don’t think that will work either. Men and women, black and white, gay and straight, organize themselves as groups in order to attain power, not to destroy power relations. We will never destroy power relations, anymore than birds will stop building nests or cats killing mice. Because I’ve stopped believing in the strange fiction that, if one social group wins its social struggle, it will liberate us all, I have ceased to care which group wins. Hence, I can no longer describe myself as being on the political left.
The most we as humans can do, the only privilege, is to escape group identification for as long as we can, in order to attain the pleasure and relief of acting for its own purpose, rather than for the purpose of pursuing power. I don’t scorn the pursuit of power because I find it immoral–it’s too late for that; rather, I find it inevitable. But it is coarsening; it blunts the fine distinctions and nuances of life, and destroys the intricate beauty that already exists. It turns a subtle personality into a droning ideologue or pulpit-pounding moralist. It exterminates those ways of life those that stand in its path. It uproots the forest, it razes the old city, it leaves tank treads in the trackless desert. It destroys the church building because it hates the church ideology, and if the fresco falls, then so be it. It has no time for the purposeless pursuit of thought and feeling for their own sake, an activity I will call “art.” Walter Pater, in The Renaissance, writes about the necessary complicity of political indifference with the aesthetic sensibility:
So just what Dante scorns as unworthy alike of heaven and hell, Botticelli accepts, that middle world in which men take no side in great conflicts, and decide no great causes, and make great refusals. He thus sets for himself the limits within which art, undisturbed by any moral ambition, does its most sincere and surest work. His interest is neither in the untempered goodness of Angelico’s saints, nor the untempered evil of Orcagna’s Inferno; but with men and women, in their mixed and uncertain condition, always attractive, clothed sometimes by passion with a character of loveliness and energy, but saddened perpetually by the shadow upon them of the great things from which they shrink. His morality is all sympathy; and it is this sympathy, conveying into his work somewhat more than is usual of the true complexion of humanity, which makes him, visionary as he is, so forcible a realist.
What does this have to do with Bloomsday, the feast day of modernism, Joyce’s pagan replacement for the holy days of the liturgical calendar? What is Ulysses actually celebrating? Pater’s influence on Joyce is a clue. As is the restriction of the novel-epic’s action to a single day, declining to worship the modern god of progressive History, as Joyce’s Marxist scorners from Radek to Lukács to Moretti have noted. Ulysses is the utopia of the refusal, a long day, the longest, in which politics are held at bay by the act of paying attention to everything from the sound a cat makes to the development of English prose. The closest thing we get to a moral is Bloom’s declaration in the pub, which is incoherent and somewhat stupid on purpose–because it is blessedly apolitical:
- Force, hatred, history, all that. That’s not life for men and women, insult and hatred. And everybody knows that it’s the very opposite of that that is really life.
– What? says Alf.
– Love, says Bloom. I mean the opposite of hatred.
It’s tempting to spin this into an ideology, its own form of power politics where the sensitive Blooms of the world take over and make us all into gentle half-artists, or to Christianize secular Bloom’s statement as agápē, or, in the Latinate English of Joyce’s erstwhile Church and mine, charity. But I think instead Bloom’s “love” is what I called “art” above. That Bloom is an artistic mediocrity perversely proves the point: you don’t have to be a Pater or a Joyce to make your great refusal, to enter into pointless sympathy with the world. And I think that is the best that can be hoped for in this wretched world.